By Lori Wallach, Juris Doctor,
Harvard Law School
Courtesy of Public
Citizen's Global Trade Watch
Legal Tricks of the Trade, Words with Special Meanings, Reservations, Exceptions and Carve-outs
The most important tool to making an informed judgement about the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) is the ability to understand what the MAI's proposed terms mean. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has recently launched a public relations campaign which we have dubbed the "charm offensive," to convince the public that the nearly completed MAI text is harmless, if not beneficial. This guide to MAI language is intended to launch a countering educational offensive so people can read the actual MAI text and come to their own conclusions about its merits and threats.
Unfortunately, as with all of today's complex international commercial agreements, understanding the MAI's legal jargon is not an easy task. First, the agreements are written in a technical language in which words with a clear meaning in common usage have entirely different meanings or implications. In some cases, terms are shorthand for whole bodies of legal jurisprudence that is not evident on the face of the term.
Second, words used in trade and investment agreements have extremely precise meanings which can turn on the slight difference in a verb's tense. Since draft agreement texts are often only available in English (or perhaps also French), non-native speakers are put at a disadvantage from the start. Third, there are certain basics of legal interpretation that most non-lawyers simply do not know which can completely mask the meaning of agreement language.
The MAI's terms are so drastic in their actual meaning that simply being able to understand their implications on a country's laws and policies is the NGO's strongest argument in criticizing the agreement. Innocent errors in interpretation are often used by MAI proponents to undermine the credibility of legitimate criticisms. This Pocket Trade Lawyer is a guide to some of the most essential specialized terms, language, legal quirks and potential pitfalls in the MAI. Its goal is to empower the maximum number of people to be able to make their own informed decisions about the MAI's often intentionally murky provisions.
A. Preambular Language:
Preambular language is not legally
binding. It does not create any obligations or privileges that are enforceable
through dispute resolution. The only legal effect of such language is for
use in disputes to guide interpretation of binding clauses. Pro-human rights,
development, employment, health or environment language is often contained
in the preamble of trade and investment agreements. This is a way to include
the language that citizens demand without creating binding obligations
on such issues as labor rights or environmental protection. MAI negotiators
have added some such language to MAI's preamble and continue to offer to
add more. Sadly, this language is not enforceable. In fact, to the extent
binding MAI provisions in the core of the text conflict with preambular
language, the preambular language is entirely trumped.
B. "And" versus "Or":
How sentences or phrases are connected
often determines their meaning. When "and" is used, it connotes that all
of the clauses or provisions connected must be satisfied. Thus, the MAI
expropriation language says that a
C. Interpretive notes and footnotes:
The MAI negotiators have not decided
what legal value, if any, interpretive notes and footnotes will have (some
interpretive notes are set off by asterisks while others are specifically
labeled as "interpretive notes.") This is stated in footnote 29 of the
April 1998 MAI text: ("One delegation notes that the question of the status
of footnotes and interpretive notes for the MAI remains to be determined.")
In some international agreements, both interpretive notes and footnotes
have the same non-binding nature as preambular language. (Used only to
interpret binding language in the context of a dispute proceeding.) Thus,
requested language placed in footnotes or interpretive notes will not necessarily
have binding effect. This is a point that must be closely watched; both
the notion that expropriation rules do not cover regular government regulatory
actions and the notion that performance requirement restrictions do not
limit investment targets for minorities, poor regions and women are stated
only in footnotes.
D. Latest in Time:
A key rule of treaty legal interpretation
is that "later in time rules the line." That means that provisions in the
most recent treaty trump those of past existing treaties unless a specific
measure in the later treaty provides otherwise. For instance, the MAI's
preamble includes a phrase: "Renewing their commitment to the Copenhagen
Declaration..." However, unless in a binding portion of the MAI text a
specific "hold harmless clause" is inserted for the Copenhagen Declaration,
a binding MAI provision that conflicts with a Copenhagen Declaration commitment
by a government is overruled in priority. This later-in-time rule is why
environmental NGOs are calling for a broad "hold harmless clause" for all
existing Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs) and their domestic
enforcement. Without such a safeguard, MAI provisions and commitment would
trump MEA commitments assumed earlier.
E. Hold harmless clauses:
A legal construct used in treaties
is called a "hold harmless clause." This is language that states that certain
named existing treaties are not to be affected by otherwise conflicting
language. The model language in this regard is usually: "To the extent
of conflict, X treaty's provisions shall be given precedent over the terms
of this treaty."
F. Ministerial Declarations:
The April 1998 MAI Ministerial Declaration
contains some interesting language about what certain MAI provisions mean.
Unfortunately, the Declaration has no binding legal effect on the actual
MAI text. Thus, any useful language from the declaration must be agreed
to and inserted into the legal MAI text for it to have effect. Indeed,
no documents outside of a treaty's core text have binding effect on a treaty's
provisions unless the treaty's provisions specifically adopt such external
language. Thus, no OECD side letters, papers or other texts have binding
legal effect on the MAI text unless referenced in the MAI text itself.
G. Brackets versus parenthesis:
Look carefully to see if a clause
is set off by square brackets "[ ]" or is in parenthesis "( )". Square
brackets mean that the language is only proposed, and has not been agreed.
Thus, the many square bracketed versions of language on not lowering standards
to attract investment now included in the text are not provisions the negotiators
have agreed, but rather a listing of different countries' proposals. Parenthesis,
on the other hand, are generally used for clarification or simply punctuation
in binding text.
H. The Vienna Convention on the Interpretation
of Treaties:
This is a multilateral treaty setting
forth standard procedure for interpretation of treaties. Think of it as
the rules of procedure and interpretation. The terms of the Vienna Convention,
such as the types of votes (majority, consensus, etc.) that must be used
to take certain decisions, are generally binding on all other treaties
unless such a treaty sets forth other specific rules. Chapter XI of the
MAI sets forth the MAI's specific voting requirements.
I. New York Convention:
This is shorthand for the United
Nations Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral
Awards. This is a treaty that binds its signatories to submit international
rulings to its domestic court system for enforcement. Reference to the
New York Convention is made in MAI Chapter V (Investor-to-State Dispute
Resolution). Article V(D)(5) states that countries' consent in Article
V(D)(3) to the MAI dispute resolution also binds them to the New York Convention.
This is a key detail. Often MAI proponents challenge critics by suggesting
that even if a corporation wins an MAI challenge against a country, there
is no way to "collect" on the monetary award. The New York Convention is
how the corporation can enforce its win by access to a country's own domestic
legal system.
II. Words with Special Meanings
A. Operative Verbs:
One must scrutinize both the precise
verb and that verb's tense to determine if a clause is binding or not.
A classic example that many of the most fluent English-as- a-second-language
speakers often miss is the drastic legal difference between "shall" and
"should" and "must" and "may." "Shall" and "must" are binding and mandatory
but "should" and "may" are non-binding and permissive.
C. Necessary:
Under jurisprudence developed in
numerous cases over the past decade, the term "necessary" triggers what
is called the "least trade restrictive" test. The GATT-WTO exception about
"measures necessary to protect animal, plant or human health or life" that
is being considered for inclusion in MAI has been rendered through the
string of GATT and WTO cases to require that a country prove the negative
in order to safeguard a law using that exception. A country must prove
that no less trade restrictive means for obtaining an objective could exist.
(In addition, the legitimacy of the objective, not only the means used
to obtain it, must separately stand up to a legal test.) It is important
to be aware of the use of the term "necessary," as it can in effect eviscerate
otherwise binding provisions. The NAFTA text contained a limited "hold
harmless clause" for three specific Multilateral Environmental Agreements.
But that provision was rendered largely meaningless by being prefaced by
the clause "measure necessary to..."
III. Reservations, Exceptions and Carve-outs
Each of the terms "reservation," "exception," and "carve-out" means something entirely different. It is important to carefully choose the legal term that expresses your intent and also to understand what precisely these different mechanisms mean in regard to their ability to safeguard laws and policies that conflict with the MAI's terms.
A. Reservations:
Reservations are exemptions for
individual laws or policies that violate the terms of international agreements.
Each country puts forward lists of laws for which it would like to take
a reservation and then these lists are negotiated among trade/investment
partners. Once agreed upon, reservations are annexed to the completed agreement.
One must be very careful to notice which MAI provisions are noted as those
from which reservations are taken. Negotiators have, so far, only agreed
that MAI signatories can reserve laws from the National Treatment and Most
Favored Nation (MFN) treatment provisions. This means that reserved laws
must still comply with expropriation, general treatment, and performance
requirements provisions.
In U.S. investment agreements such as the NAFTA and its Bilateral Investment Treaties, two types of reservations have been utilized: narrow or closed reservations (Type A) to protect existing laws and open-ended reservations (Type B) to enable legislatures to adopt new laws in a certain policy area or make current laws stronger.
Type A reservations would normally enable a government to maintain a law that conflicts with an agreement, but governments can not expand the law or adopt it in other contexts. EXAMPLE: A state has a law banning foreign ownership of real estate above a certain number of acres. The government has decided to claim a Type A reservation for this law. While the law may be able to stand, the legislature will not be able to promulgate new laws in the future along these same lines. For example, it would be unable to impose a ban on foreign ownership of agricultural land. It would also not be allowed to make the law more restrictive. For example, it would be unable to reduce the amount of land that a foreign firm could own.
Type B reservations would enable a legislature to violate the terms of the MAI when formulating public policy in certain areas after the agreement is signed. EXAMPLE: Under the NAFTA, the United States claimed an open-ended reservation for what it termed "minority affairs." This reservation enables the U.S. government to continue to make laws addressing the economic effects of institutionalized discrimination against minority populations, even if such laws involve, for instance, favoring minority businesses over other investors in the awarding of contracts and loans -- practices that would clearly violate the provisions of the MAI.
Currently, OECD delegates have agreed to include only Type A reservations in the agreement. Additionally, under the current MAI text reservations are temporary. When a country claims a law or policy area as a reservation, it is admitting that such law or policy area conflicts with the terms of the agreement. This is the first step in the eventual "roll back" of laws inconsistent with MAI. The elimination of reservations is the primary mechanism through which the MAI will obligate governments to "liberalize" in the future.
B. Exceptions:
Exceptions are binding provisions
on all signatories built into the core text of an agreement that list the
circumstances when a country may violate a term of an agreement without
penalty. Exceptions only come into play as a defense when a country's law
or policy has been challenged in dispute resolution as a violation of an
agreement. GATT Article XX lists the exceptions to that agreement, allowing
countries to take some otherwise GATT-illegal actions necessary to protect
human, animal or plant health or life or in relation to preservation of
a national treasure or public order or morals. The MAI draft text, Chapter
VI, contains the fewest exceptions of all the multilateral economic agreements,
including the GATT and WTO. Moreover, the MAI's few exceptions do not apply
to the MAI's expropriation clause at all.
Currently, only government actions "necessary for the protection of its essential security interests" or "in pursuance of its obligations under the UN Charter for the maintenance of internal peace and security" are protected with exceptions in MAI. As noted above, GATT Article XX exceptions for laws necessary to protect public health and safety and for laws relating to the conservation of natural resources have also been suggested for addition. Unfortunately, neither of these GATT exceptions have been used with success under the GATT.
Past trade dispute panels often have not respected exceptions as a legitimate protection for nations choosing to elevate valued social objectives above commerce. Countries have unsuccessfully invoked both of the GATT Article XX exceptions relating to the environment in the two GATT Tuna-Dolphin cases, the CAFE standards challenge and the WTO challenges on Beef Hormones, Reformulated Gasoline Cleanliness and Turtle/Shrimp, only to be ruled against in each instance. The latest Turtle-Shrimp ruling goes so far as to disqualify use of the Article XX exceptions for any laws or policies that conflict with the WTO's primary goal of trade liberalization. This interpretation would gut the exceptions altogether, as protecting just such laws is precisely their intent. The long string of GATT and WTO rulings voiding exception claims highlight the problem of such decisions being made in tribunals without due process, openness, balanced judges or other safeguards.
C. Carve-outs:
A carve-out takes an entire economic
sector or industry or topic out from under MAI coverage. A full carve-out
essentially serves to narrow the scope of the agreement by declaring some
matters off-limits. Because the MAI is a "top-down" agreement covering
almost all economic sectors, there will be very few, if any, industries
or policy areas placed outside its scope. A partial carve-out could remove
an industry or topic from any coverage by specific MAI provisions. Currently,
the MAI contains a very narrow carve-out for taxation. A country's taxes
per se are not covered by MAI disciplines, although an investor/country
can challenge a country's tax laws under the expropriation clause (i.e.
the investor could argue that the taxes effectively "seize" the investment).
France and Canada have been battling hard for a full carve-out for their
cultural industries. This means that the MAI would not confer upon investors
the right to compete in the cultural industries of signatory countries.
Of all the ways to protect laws from MAI attack, the carve-out is the only
potentially effective, lasting approach. However, as with reservations,
it is vital to ensure that anything less than a complete carve-out applies
to all necessary provisions. For instance, Canada took a reservation under
the 1988 Canada-US Free Trade Agreement's (CUSTA) entire agreement on Trade
in Goods for its laws banning the export of raw logs. The U.S. then successfully
challenged that very law by using provisions under the CUSTA's Subsidies
Agreement, arguing that the raw log export ban was an illegal subsidy for
Canadian furniture, home building and other industries.
D. Some Other Key Facts About Reservations,
Exceptions and Carve-outs:
None of the mechanisms described
above prevent a corporation or country from challenging a law or policy
under the MAI. Nations would have to bear the expense of defending their
cases at the forum of the corporate challengers' choice or at an MAI International
Tribunal. It is not yet determined if the challenger or the defender will
carry the burden of proof. The WTO places the burden on the defending country
in many instances, as highlighted in the recent WTO Beef Hormone ruling.
The right to challenge laws in international court would even include legal
challenges arising out of a disagreement as to the scope of a carve-out
(i.e., would the cultural carve-out include the computer industry?). Also,
none of the above mechanisms stop an investor from threatening a suit to
discourage a government from promulgating or enforcing a certain law it
doesn't like. In addition, subfederal governments will have to rely on
their federal governments to defend their laws, should they be faced with
a legal challenge under MAI. There is no guarantee that the federal government
will have supported the law in the first place, and thus no guarantee that
it would put up a good defense.
For more information contact: Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch